Opinion: IMF loans impact negatively on Africa’s health sector

The International Monetary Fund has a long history of insisting on loan conditionalities which are harmful to public services. This practice did not change even during the pandemic, with African countries being some of the worst affected.
Many
have argued that decades of harsh International Monetary Fund
(IMF) structural adjustment programs is one of the major causes of weak
health systems in Africa. This was cited to be the fundamental cause
for failures in disease surveillance and control that led to the Ebola outbreak
in West Africa in 2014-16. What’s worse is that even the COVID-19 pandemic did
not lead to a change of policy inside this institution.
When
COVID-19 struck at the beginning of 2020, most of the African countries were
tied up in IMF loan repayments. As of January 2020, 26 out of 54 African
countries were undergoing IMF loan programs that demanded austerity, leaving
countries with no untied money to spend freely for emergency preparation, one
of the key prerequisites for a robust COVID-19 response.
By
October 2020, the IMF had given out COVID-19 loans to 81
countries, 41 of which were in Africa. At that time, many pointed out that the loans were not
enough to compensate for the immediate costs of handling COVID-19, let alone
for making up for the losses in the long-term. The emergency loans did little
to nothing when it came to secure payment suspension for existing debts,
including those from the IMF. Reports pointed out that some
of the emergency funding was actually used to pay off debts instead of being
used for COVID-19 response.
While
the IMF is not the only creditor for African countries, it sits at the top of
the pyramid of international financial institutions. Failing to meet the IMF
repayment schedule would result in further direct and indirect repercussions
from other creditors. At the same time, IMF loans are structured in a way that
undermines the government’s ability to provide public services. The conditions
and debt repayment schedule are often extremely strict. Thus, funds which are
needed for, for example, health and education, are heavily cut and large
portions of the collected tax are earmarked for debt payment.
According
to the IMF, of the 41 African countries that requested COVID-19 loans, 17 are
already either in debt distress or run a high risk of it. Other countries
fall in the category of “sustainable” risk assessment, and so according to the
IMF, they should have no problem paying off the loan. However, Eurodad data indicates that even
these countries would have a difficult time meeting loan obligations if they
didn’t make significant changes to their accounts. The unsustainability is also
implied by the IMF’s demand for across-the-board fiscal consolidation/austerity
measures to be implemented at the earliest possible date. A United Nations report from 2020 said that
developing countries of all income categories were already heading towards a
debt crisis prior to COVID-19.
Toxic conditionalities
As a
rule, IMF loans come with conditionalities, meaning that governments are
required to adopt certain policies if they want to receive money. Typically,
the policy package involves policies of austerity,
i.e. mix of cuts in governments budgets and subsidies, privatization, i.e. selling off state
assets or involving private sector fully or partially in developing
infrastructures, liberalization,
i.e. opening the country up to foreign investors in trade and financial
sectors, deregulation, i.e.
abolishing or diminishing laws that protect civil and workers’ rights to create
a more enticing business environment for international investors, and sometimes currency devaluation, i.e. lowering
currency value to facilitate exports.
This
set of policies in practice leads to reduced numbers of health personnel,
reduced or frozen salaries of health workers, and higher health services fees.
All these changes weaken the reach of the health system, particularly in areas
which investors deem non-lucrative and wasteful, such as community primary care
and rural health programs. This adversely impacts monitoring and controlling
disease outbreaks.
While
the IMF boasted that the majority of their COVID-19 loans contain no
conditionality, an Oxfam study found that a majority of them actually suggested
or demanded cuts in government spending and salaries to serve debt repayment.
In Africa alone, 19 countries, including Seychelles, Cabo Verde, and South
Africa (Africa’s mature or better-off economies according to the World Bank ), are to start austerity
measures “once the pandemic subsides” or by 2023. An additional 14 countries,
including Sierra Leone , South Sudan, and Guinea
Bissau, were to start austerity measures as early as 2021. Incidentally, these
14 countries are considered to be among those with the weakest public health
systems in Africa, and some are rife with internal conflicts.
When
the loans were signed, it was obvious that these countries would not recover
from the pandemic and economic crises soon enough to guarantee loan repayments.
So it should not come as a surprise that by early 2022, 13 African
countries were enrolled in another round of IMF programs, this time
through the traditional loan mechanisms with stringent conditionalities.
Other
African countries have applied for an extension and augmentation of their
pre-COVID-19 IMF loans. Others are in negotiations with the IMF for new loans.
It is worth noting that in most developing countries, signing a loan with the
IMF is a precondition to start processes to restructure a nation’s sovereign
debt. To put it simply, when countries want to negotiate with creditors other
than the IMF, mostly from developed countries, the creditors demand that
countries sign off loans with the IMF first. And so the vicious cycle
continues. Paying off debt by taking on more debts, with long-lasting austerity
for the years to come.
Bleak future for health?
Many
countries, especially in Africa, are still struggling to control the pandemic
and other resurgent diseases due to unequal access to vaccines and medicines.
The depth of economic consequences is still difficult to predict. Coupled with
austerity and privatization, this could bring further weakening of health
systems in the foreseeable future.
IMF
programs have been known to trigger conflicts or social unrest as governments
enact cuts in jobs and basic subsidies, most often food and fuel. The
phenomenon is so well known that there is a term coined for it – IMF
riot! News from different regions, including West Asia and Latin
America, indicate that the world is facing a widespread debt crisis. The
protests often turn violent which are then dealt with harshly by the
authorities, like the ongoing protests in Sudan. We are already
witnessing a new wave of IMF riots, including the one in Guinea where security forces
killed a protester during demonstrations against skyrocketing expenses
including a 20% hike in the price of gasoline.
Verisk
Maplecroft , a data analysis
consultancy firm, recently reported on the 10 countries in extreme risk of
social unrest. Among them are Kenya and Senegal, which have already enrolled in
another round of IMF programs after receiving a COVID-19 loan. Tunisia ’s negotiations have been
marked by the IMF’s pressure to implement deep cuts even before the deals are
signed. In the case of Egypt as well, the IMF is demanding application of
austerity measures before authorizing an agreement. While the situation truly
seems desperate, there is still room for governments to take corrective action
both globally and nationally. People can still push governments in the
direction of canceling unsustainable debts and putting investments back into
public institutions which are accountable to the citizens. There should be a
demand to create real progressive taxation and social measures. These are only
a few on the list of possible solutions.
By Dian Maria Blandina
This article was originally published in Peoples Dispatch .